A political phenomenon: The rise of the left
Politically, it was almost "dead." But the dynamics of German domestic politics remain unpredictable. Now the Left Party has regained parliamentary power. A column.
The most astonishing domestic political phenomenon in Germany this year occurred away from the great, much-commented excitement. What has been and continues to be discussed, written, and railed against about the growth of the populist AfD? The clumsiness of Friedrich Merz, who apparently needed the AfD to vote on a law to limit migration in the Bundestag, is still being gleefully harped on. But almost secretly and unnoticed, a process of greater significance was taking place in another milieu. The Left Party had practically disappeared; in colloquial terms, it seemed politically "dead as a doornail." The departure of the omnipresent Sahra Wagenknecht and the founding of the BSW (Federal Social Democratic Party) further accelerated the Left's decline. In 2024, they could no longer find any issues and, moreover, seemed hopelessly divided. The BSW rose and rose in the polls. Sahra Wagenknecht argued her case on all TV channels, gratefully accepting the constant invitations. Eventually, her self-proclaimed party became a coalition partner in the Thuringian and Brandenburg state governments. Nobody counted on the Left Party anymore. And then, at the beginning of this year, its meteoric rise began. How did this happen?
On the one hand, the departure of the egocentric Sahra Wagenknecht was clearly a boost for the shrunken party. Years of trench warfare came to a swift end. "We can breathe a sigh of relief again," the party said. Those remaining gathered for the federal election campaign. Something emerged that seems to thrive especially in times of need: a kind of "esprit de corps," a "now more than ever" attitude.
Added to this were personalities, ideas, and initiatives that were absolutely successful. The three prominent "white men" of old, Dietmar Bartsch, Bodo Ramelow, and Gregor Gysi appeared together as "Aktion Silberlocke." Like a tried-and-tested show, they presented themselves at many events with a relaxed, sarcastic, and cheerful demeanor. This appealed to the population in both the East and the West, but the three were not yet decisive for the breakthrough.
In Heidi Reichinnek from Merseburg, the Left Party found a gifted speaker—but even more so—a woman who wields social media with great skill. It's hardly surprising that she, and the party as a whole, uses populist language. The emotional intensity of the communication is particularly popular with young voters. Reichinnek challenged a stunned Merz in the Bundestag with a sharp, eloquent, and loud voice. She became known nationwide.
And she was elected, along with the calm and thoughtful Jan van Aken, to lead her party in the federal election and subsequently even became parliamentary group leader. She speaks incredibly fast; her internal nickname "Machine Gun" is no surprise. The language and culture expert is empathetic and evidently comes across as credible to young voters. The 8.8 percent in the federal election was celebrated internally as the "rebirth" of the Left; this coup is, in particular, "Heidi's achievement," as the parliamentary group said. Things can move so quickly in the heated world of day-to-day politics: The rapidly rising BSW failed to make it into the upper chamber, narrowly missing the 5 percent mark. Sahra Wagenknecht is rarely invited to television these days.
But Heidi Reichinnek also won because she focused on exactly the right issues: Rents are barely affordable for average earners, especially in Berlin, but also in many other German cities. Every party is familiar with this socio-political dilemma – actually. The Left Party, however, used the slogan "Rents down" in a clever and pointed advertising campaign. This was a huge hit – especially among young voters.
“Now we’re really going to hit the drum”Then it renewed the age-old economic war against the so-called rich: “Tax the rich.” Even though this battle over distribution was not new, it still worked this time: One result of the fact that the “prosperity gap” between rich and poor in our country is becoming increasingly wider.
And the Left Party gained parliamentary prominence: When Friedrich Merz was surprisingly not elected chancellor in the first round of voting at the beginning of May, it was the Left Party, of all parties, that enabled a second round of voting on the same day. Without the Left Party, Merz would not have been elected chancellor that day. And without the Left Party, there is no two-thirds majority in the Bundestag, for example, when filling a judge's vacancy in Karlsruhe. Therefore, "we're really going to make a splash," as the internal saying goes. The self-confident Heidi now also wants to join the parliamentary intelligence oversight committee—much to the annoyance of the CSU, which is determined to prevent this at all costs.
The ambitions of the once forgotten and already written-off party have been rekindled. Polls currently show the Left Party consistently at around 10 percent. And it's remarkable that none of the other parties have been able to adapt to this new phenomenon so far.
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Berliner-zeitung
