The profile of Chega no X followers and what this reveals about society and digital politics in Portugal

The detailed analysis of Chega followers on the X network (formerly Twitter) recently carried out by the Participatory Democracy Movement allowed me to take the opportunity to reflect on the impact of social networks on Portuguese politics, on the nature of the far-right electorate and, above all, on the transformation of modes of civic participation in the 21st century. More than a simple list of professions or hashtags , the portrait of this digital community raises profound questions about identity, belonging, radicalization and the future of democracy.

One of the most striking aspects of this analysis is the socio-professional diversity of Chega’s followers. Engineers, lawyers, IT technicians, audiovisual producers, businesspeople, university students and even Brazilian academics appear side by side in this digital community. This fact is surprising for those who still associate the far right with less qualified segments or groups traditionally marginalized from the political process. In fact, the presence of highly qualified professionals and students from higher education institutions shows that Chega’s discourse has the ability to capture very diverse audiences. This phenomenon is not exclusive to Portugal: in several European countries, the new far right has been attracting young urbanites, professionals and even entrepreneurs, thanks to aggressive, disruptive communication that is highly adapted to the digital universe.

On the other hand, the presence of students and alumni from Brazilian institutions indicates that the Portuguese populist party benefits from a transnational network of supporters, partly fueled by the “internationalization” of radical right-wing ideas, the exchange of digital influencers and the sharing of political strategies between Portugal and Brazil, particularly among Bolsonaristas. This aspect is particularly relevant to understand the party’s success among Portuguese diaspora communities and to explain its growing international presence.

Despite this professional diversity, what struck me most – albeit unsurprisingly – was the ideological homogeneity of Chega’s followers. The biographies of its followers analysed in this study are marked by an informal, provocative and, at times, openly aggressive tone. The use of dark humour, expressions such as “no whining”, “root Bolsonarista” or “conservative”, and slogans such as “Make Europe Great Again” (an adaptation of Trump’s “MAGA”) reveal a clear identification with the radical right, both Portuguese and international.

The constant reference to values ​​such as “God, Country and Family”, as well as the use of religious symbols (such as the cross) and national flags (🇧🇷, 🇵🇹, 🇮🇱), reinforces a collective identity that goes beyond politics: it is a community that sees itself as the guardian of certain fundamental values, in opposition to what it perceives as moral decadence, political corruption or the “globalist” threat that Chega followers associate mainly with the left.

This ideological self-identification is, in my opinion, one of the factors that most contributes to the cohesion and mobilization of Chega’s followers. The sharing of symbols, slogans and hashtags functions as a “code” of belonging, allowing members to recognize and support each other, creating a true “digital tribe” with well-defined borders.

Another distinctive feature of this community is the sophisticated use of digital communication tools. Dark humor, irony and provocation are not just forms of expression, but intentional strategies to capture attention, create controversy on social media and consequently increase the reach of messages. By using memes, jokes and political provocations, Chega followers often manage to transform serious debates into battles of “engagement”, where the main objective is to create impact and virality, rather than promoting dialogue or mutual understanding.

This aggressive and polarizing communication logic is typical of the new digital right, which understands better than anyone how social media works: the more controversy, the more shares, the more visibility and, potentially, the more support. In this sense, Chega and its followers are both a product and a driving force behind the transformation of the Portuguese public space, where politics is increasingly conducted at the pace of “ trending topics ” and “ likes ”.

The analysis also reveals the presence of journalists, political commentators and even figures from other parties among Chega's followers. This phenomenon is ambivalent: on the one hand, it shows that there is an interest in monitoring the party's activity, whether for professional reasons or out of political curiosity; on the other, it helps to legitimize and amplify the reach of Chega's messages, even when the intention is merely informative or critical.

Even more important is the role of digital influencers, activists and public figures who openly identify with the party or its ideas. These profiles act as content multipliers, helping to create “bubbles” of opinion and consolidate Chega’s narrative among increasingly wider audiences. The ability of these influencers to mobilise is one of the secrets of the party’s success on social media and partly explains its electoral growth.

The portrayal of Chega supporters on the X network raises important questions about the future of politics in Portugal. On the one hand, it shows that the far right is no longer a marginal or residual phenomenon, but rather an organized, mobilized force that is highly adapted to the digital universe. On the other hand, it reveals the dangers of an increasingly polarized politics, where the debate of ideas is replaced by provocation, caricature and radicalization.

Chega’s ability to build a strong collective identity, based on symbols, slogans and aggressive communication strategies, is a lesson for all other parties and for civil society itself: ignoring or underestimating this phenomenon is a mistake. It is essential to understand the deep reasons that lead so many citizens – from different backgrounds and professions – to identify with this discourse and seek belonging in a digital community that offers them recognition, support and a sense of mission.

In short, the analysis of Chega's followers on the X network reveals a sophisticated digital community, diverse in its socio-professional composition, but profoundly homogeneous in terms of ideology. The strength of this community lies in its ability to create identity, mobilize support and influence public debate through innovative and, at times, aggressive communication strategies.

The challenge for Portuguese democracy is to find responses to this new type of political participation, which no longer takes place only at the ballot box or on the streets, but also – and increasingly – in the virtual space. Only by fully understanding this phenomenon can we build a more plural, tolerant society capable of resisting the temptation of radicalization and digital populism.

Chega and its followers are, like it or not, an integral part of this new reality. It is up to all of us – citizens, parties, journalists and academics – to reflect on what this means for the future of democracy in Portugal.

Rui Martins is the founder of the Movement for Participatory Democracy