Over 40 billion. What can arise on the Meloni-United Arab Emirates axis

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Sand and silicon, after all, have the same chemical composition. And it is the singular chemical, political and economic reaction that has been unleashed between Italy and the United Arab Emirates that represents one of the most interesting developments in technological innovation since the Meloni government took office. The Joint Statement signed today highlights a mutual commitment to the development of emerging and critical technologies, including quantum computing, cryptography, artificial intelligence and space research . This agreement, which includes significant investments (the commitment is for 40 billion dollars) and closer collaboration in various sectors, from tourism to culture, constitutes a crucial step in strengthening Italian industrial competitiveness, but at the same time highlights some challenges that our country cannot ignore.

According to documentary sources consulted by Foglio, on the government side, the Defense Cooperation Agreement stands out , aimed at deepening collaboration in the field of security and the development of advanced military technologies, as well as the MoU on data center cooperation, which aims at the creation of new data processing hubs (up to 2 GW) and underlines the need to strengthen the digital infrastructure. In parallel, cooperation on mineral resources intends to encourage strategic industrial partnerships, favoring the diversification of the supply of critical materials.

Other government protocols, such as the MoU for the establishment of a trilateral economic partnership with African countries or the one on the protection of cultural heritage in Africa and Arab countries, show the will to promote the so-called “Mattei Plan” for Africa, combining cultural diplomacy, energy and infrastructure. There are also numerous private agreements: the partnership between Greenthesis and Beeah focuses on the implementation of plastic recycling plants, supporting the ecological transition and creating export opportunities in the MENA market; projects such as those of ACEA and Metito for water management and desalination aim to expand the Italian presence in Africa. Also with a view to the supply chain, the Newcleo–ENEC collaboration prefigures investments in new-generation nuclear power. In the telecommunications and digitalization front, the agreement between TIM and Abu Dhabi Investment Office lays the foundation for a center of excellence in IoT and AI, promoting the spread of broadband and quantum communication solutions, while the agreement between ENI, MGX and G42 aims to develop data centers powered by sustainable sources. Another interesting aspect concerns industrial joint ventures: the letters of intent between Fincantieri and EDGE, or between Elettronica Group and EDGE, demonstrate the mutual interest in strengthening the maritime defense and military electronics sectors. The agreement in question, however, cannot be reduced to a simple injection of capital. Quantum computing, cryptography and AI require extremely high-level skills, the result of up-to-date and strongly research-oriented training courses. A second crucial aspect is the construction of supporting industrial supply chains. No technology, however strategic, can fully develop without an integrated ecosystem of suppliers, infrastructures and distribution networks. An organic design that networks the various players (from small and medium-sized enterprises to large industrial groups, up to research centers) will be needed to compete with those, like the USA and China, who already have a well-oiled ecosystem. In addition to human capital and supply chains, a third ingredient that is often overlooked is also crucial: the deregulation needed to guarantee freedom of action for businesses. If we really want to become a European hub for emerging technologies, we need simple and stable rules that can attract and not repel those who want to innovate. This implies the political will to simplify procedures and authorization processes, to facilitate the launch of startups, to guarantee an environment favorable to intellectual property and public-private collaboration. I

In this sense, a very important point underlined in the Joint Statement is that public capital must be supportive, but not dominant. The experience of the PNRR has shown how the injection of funds can clash with bureaucratic delays and structural limits. We do not need a sort of "PNRR of the Gulf", but rather an industrial policy tool that can enable innovation, providing targeted incentives, but leaving companies the freedom to experiment, take risks and seize the opportunities that arise from the encounter between private capital, research and the market.

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